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By Mary Elizabeth Salzmann

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Among Hispanos, this approach means being attentive to the dialectics of materiality and subjectivity, memory and forgetting, despair and longing. The heroin detoxification clinic where I worked and where much of the ethnographic material for this book was gathered is the central site in which these dynamics came into play. It is the pastoral clinic, but the subjects and effects of the pastoral—as representation, mystification, experience, power, and care—exceed the clinic’s bounds. My hope is that this approach will lead to a rethinking of old assumptions that operate through standard approaches to addiction, as well as present possibilities for understanding addiction as a reflection of our broader world.

Eventually, the other patients smelled the smoke, but by then it was too late . . no, I don’t remember her name. I consulted police reports and newspaper archives looking for “evidence” of the story. There was only the building itself; its walls were still scorched from the long-extinguished flames. For months, I visited the building as if I were visiting the grave of an estranged friend. Staring at its blackened walls, I imagined that the fire was still raging, that the girl inside was burning, and that the flames she started had spread to me.

Even anthropological and sociological studies of heroin addiction (and drug addiction more broadly) use an urban milieu to describe the antecedents and intimacies of addiction (Agar 1973; Bourgois 1995, 2004; Lovell 2002; Wacquant 1993). 28 The tendency to study and describe the urban context of intravenous drug use is also evident in medical and psychological studies of heroin addiction. S. Drug Abuse Treatment Outcome Studies (DATOS) and England’s National Treatment Outcome Research Study (NTORS)—comprise data culled from urban contexts.

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Aa by Mary Elizabeth Salzmann

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