By J. B. Conacher
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Additional info for Britain and the Crimea, 1855–56: Problems of War and Peace
It is allowing Russia to limit us in place of our limiting Russia,' he wrote. ' He claimed that the Emperor had been deceived by Drouyn 'who makes him believe that Austria has promised to go to war - immediately - but Drouyn's real opinion is that Russia will accept the ultimatum'. Indeed, in a subsequent despatch Cowley alleged that Drouyn's deliberate intention had been to sacrifice the British alliance. 44 On 3 May Cowley was given the opportunity to intervene when the Emperor summoned him to the Tuileries to seek his views.
Lewis then agreed to take Peel as a Secretary of the Treasury to replace Wilson who was to be promoted to the Board of Trade, but Wilson was unwilling to vacate his existing appointment for fear of losing his seat. Palmerston then recommended that Frederick Peel should be made Vice President of the Board of Trade leaving the under-secretaryship of the War Office for his older brother, but this fell through. In the end, both Peels remained where they were and E. P. 57 The Palmerston Ministry that emerged was therefore rather a reconstruction of the old Russell Whig Ministry than of Aberdeen's Coalition.
Russell said that if the Four Points were accepted by Russia in the way the Allies understood them then they had 'no right at present to put forward Poland as an obstacle to peace', but if Russia refused the third point then he thought it could be raised legitimately. 'But then if the Poles should join us', he added, 'we must continue the war till we get terms for Poland. ' Although Louis Napoleon continued to hanker after a solution to the Polish question it never became a recognised Allied war aim.
Britain and the Crimea, 1855–56: Problems of War and Peace by J. B. Conacher