By Errol A. Henderson
Errol Henderson seriously examines what has been known as the nearest factor to an empirical legislation in global politics, the idea that of the democratic peace. Henderson checks models of the democratic peace proposition (DPP) - that democracies hardly if ever struggle each other, and that democracies are extra peaceable often than nondemocracies - utilizing the exact same info and statistical thoughts as their proponents. In influence hoisting the thesis by itself petard, he unearths that the ostensible "democratic peace" has in truth been the results of a confluence of numerous strategies throughout the post-World struggle II period. it sort of feels transparent, Henderson continues, that the presence of democracy is infrequently a guarantor of peace - and less than convinced stipulations, it may well even bring up the likelihood of warfare. Henderson convincingly refutes the democratic peace proposition - utilizing the exact same info and strategies as its proponents.
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Additional info for Democracy and War - The End of an Illusion?
Therefore, the conflict-dampening impact of democracy that Owen ascribes to liberal regimes often rests on whether the political elite perceive the adversary as similar to themselves. Specifically, among culturally dissimilar disputants, the reduction of conflict occasioned by joint democracy may be undermined by racist or ethnocentric animus on the part of decisionmakers. This view seems consistent with those of such staunch democratic peace advocates as Weart (1998: 242), who is convinced that the major influence that "may undermine peace between approximately republican regimes" is the misperception of leaders, which biases them against those who are politically, economically, or culturally different.
Therefore, by controlling for Western civilization membership we can better determine the extent to which democracy qua democracy (as opposed to Western civilization membership) decreases the likelihood of war. Civilization membership follows closely Huntington's (1996) classification and the criteria outlined in Henderson and Tucker (2001), and it includes separate variables for the Sinic, Japanese, Hindu, Islamic, Orthodox, Western, Latin American, African, and Buddhist civilizations. States that do not fall within these categories are classified as Othei: Each state is classified by its civilization type using a dummy variable that takes the value of "1" for states that are members of the respective civilization and "O" otherwise.
Moreover, since these controls have been shown to affect the likelihood of war, we need to determine the extent to which they may vitiate the relationship between democracy and war, which is the central focus of my study. These political, economic, and cultural variables will serve as the control variables in my analysis of the monadic DPP. Beginning with political factors, analysts have long observed that major powers are more likely to become involved in war (Small and Singer, 1982). Moreover, scholars have demonstrated the importance of controlling for major-power status when evaluating the DPP (see 60 Are Democracies More Peaceful than Nondemocracies?
Democracy and War - The End of an Illusion? by Errol A. Henderson